With a Cold Eye: Lawmakers, Beware the People’s Judgment!

With a Cold Eye: Lawmakers, Beware the People’s Judgment!
United Evening News reporter Kuo-Liang-huang / Special]
June 25, 2008


Wang Chien-hsuan (right) and Shen Fu-hsiung, Nominees for President and Vice President of the Control Yuan

Ma Ying-jeou has nominated Wang Chien-hsuan President of the Control Yuan. The public is enthusiastically applauding the move. But Wang Chien-hsuan’s declaration that Control Yuan nominees need not visit the Legislative Yuan to solicit their votes has angered the Legislative Yuan. Today legislators threatened to humiliate Wang Chien-hsuan by rejecting his nomination. Superficially they were confronting Wang Chien-hsuan. In reality they were confronting Ma Ying-jeou. In fact, no matter who is right, this sort of senseless confrontation has left the public thoroughly disillusioned.

The Control Yuan is a safeguard against corruption. Its purpose is to prevent graft and the abuse of power. Therefore, any debate about the nomination process should be about who is qualified for the position. The debate must not be about who must be rejected or shut out of the Control Yuan based on whether they are willing to solicit votes. If the debated degenerates into an infantile contest of wills — if you solicit my vote I will support you, if you don’t solicit my vote you will suffer the consequences — then the public can only lower its head and sigh.

The understanding Ma Ying-jeou and Wang Chien-hsuan have is correct. Control Yuan members are nominated by the president. The legislature then exercises its right of approval. That does not not mean that nominees ought to solicit votes from legislators. Anyone who solicits votes is making an appeal based on personal relationships. If the Control Yuan kowtows to legislators, if it genuflects before them in order to be appointed, how can they possibly execute their duties in accordance with the letter of the law, by impeaching officials guilty of malfeasance?

Wang Chien-hsuan is known as “Saint Wang.” He is revered by the public. If their motive is to butt heads with Ma Ying-jeou, if their motive is to declare war on Ma Ying-jeou, legislators should pick another issue. If they use Wang Chien-hsuan’s refusal to solicit votes as an excuse to vent their spleen, if they attempt to turn the issue into a political football, if they turn the issue into a war between Wang Chien-hsuan and the Legislative Yuan, they may defeat Wang Chien-hsuan in the Legislative Yuan. But in terms of public image, the Legislative Yuan will only shoot itself in the foot. If they insult a former official known for his personal integrity, merely to embarrass him, the ones actually embarrassed will be themselves. They will bring shame upon the Legislative Yuan. In order to engage in political wrangling, they will sacrifice Wang Chien-hsuan.

The public has enormous respect for Wang Chien-hsuan’s character. It is said that after his physical examination early this year, he made out his will. He arranged to donate all his worldy possessions to charity. He expressed gratitude for all the support his wife gave him over a lifetime. He also joked that the only thing he’s not willing to donate is his wife Su Fa-chao. Today Su Fa-chao told reporters she was reluctant to see Wang undergo the nomination process for President of the Control Yuan under such circumstances. The couple’s expression of feelings have touched the peoples’ hearts.

Wang Chien-hsuan has confronted the Legislative Yuan in this manner. Ma Ying-jeou can not of course always approach the Legislative Yuan in a confrontational manner. As the leader of the government, Ma Ying-jeou needs to learn a little more finesse. This is something Ma Ying-jeou lacks. Otherwise, his administration will find itself hamstrung. The Legislative Yuan meanwhile must not treat everything as a bargaining chip and adopt such a haughty posture. The eyes of the public are on you as well. You too will be judged for your behavior.

冷眼集》立委們，等著民眾評分吧！
【聯合晚報╱記者黃國樑/特稿】
2008.06.25 08:18 pm

王建煊被馬英九總統提名為監察院長，社會一片叫好，但王建煊不必去立法院拜票的說法，卻惹毛了立法院，立法院如今揚言讓王建煊得票難看，明著是對抗王建煊，實則是向馬英九叫陣。其實不論誰的論點或關照正確，這種無聊的對抗，其實都已經讓民眾徹底失望。

監院的存在，是一種防腐機制，防止政府濫權、貪腐，因此，有關它的討論，如果不是鎖定在究竟誰是適任者，誰可能應該被擋下，排除在監院大門之外，而是降格到究竟要不要拜票，你拜票才看得起我，不拜票我就讓你好看，這種鬥氣又低能的把戲，民眾看了能不偃首嘆息？

王建煊與馬英九的共識其實是沒有錯的，監委由總統提名，再由國會行使同意權，並不意味被提名人應該去向立委拜票。拜票者，就是人情之請託也，監委如果曾經向立委鞠躬，為了此一「權位」競折腰，日後又如何能執春秋之筆，彈劾失職官員呢？

王建煊的聖人封號，其實已在民間建立起很高的聲望，立委如果要鬥馬英九，要向馬英九宣戰，最好拿別的題目，如果假借王建煊的不拜票說，就怒火沖天，拿著雞毛當令箭大做文章，變成王建煊與立法院的大戰，可能立法院在票數上會贏了王建煊，但在形象上，立法院不過是自取其辱。因為，將一個公認清廉的人，打了特低的低分，以為讓王建煊「難堪」，但真的難堪的是立法院，代表立法院厚顏無恥，為了政爭，居然以王建煊為祭品。

王建煊的為人，社會有很高的評價。據了解，今年初他身體檢查後，就已預立遺囑，將他身外之物都捐出去了，做好一切安排。對太太蘇法昭一輩子的扶持及支持，他感念在心，但也打趣說，他唯一捐不出去的就是蘇法昭了。對照蘇法昭今天面對媒體，仍不願看王在這種情況下出任監察院長，兩人之情，溢於言表，也讓外界不捨。

王建煊都能如此面對立院，馬英九當然不能總是與立法院形成對峙形勢，做為國政的領導中心，馬英九要有更純熟的手腕，這是馬英九要修習的學分，否則其施政將困騫顛跛，但立法院不能一副什麼都要拿籌碼來換的嘴臉，請注意，群眾的每一雙眼都在睜視著你們，你們也等著被評分。

With a Cold Eye: Lawmakers, Beware the People’s Judgment!

With a Cold Eye: Lawmakers, Beware the People’s Judgment!
United Evening News reporter Kuo-Liang-huang / Special]
June 25, 2008


Wang Chien-hsuan (right) and Shen Fu-hsiung, Nominees for President and Vice President of the Control Yuan

Ma Ying-jeou has nominated Wang Chien-hsuan President of the Control Yuan. The public is enthusiastically applauding the move. But Wang Chien-hsuan’s declaration that Control Yuan nominees need not visit the Legislative Yuan to solicit their votes has angered the Legislative Yuan. Today legislators threatened to humiliate Wang Chien-hsuan by rejecting his nomination. Superficially they were confronting Wang Chien-hsuan. In reality they were confronting Ma Ying-jeou. In fact, no matter who is right, this sort of senseless confrontation has left the public thoroughly disillusioned.

The Control Yuan is a safeguard against corruption. Its purpose is to prevent graft and the abuse of power. Therefore, any debate about the nomination process should be about who is qualified for the position. The debate must not be about who must be rejected or shut out of the Control Yuan based on whether they are willing to solicit votes. If the debated degenerates into an infantile contest of wills — if you solicit my vote I will support you, if you don’t solicit my vote you will suffer the consequences — then the public can only lower its head and sigh.

The understanding Ma Ying-jeou and Wang Chien-hsuan have is correct. Control Yuan members are nominated by the president. The legislature then exercises its right of approval. That does not not mean that nominees ought to solicit votes from legislators. Anyone who solicits votes is making an appeal based on personal relationships. If the Control Yuan kowtows to legislators, if it genuflects before them in order to be appointed, how can they possibly execute their duties in accordance with the letter of the law, by impeaching officials guilty of malfeasance?

Wang Chien-hsuan is known as “Saint Wang.” He is revered by the public. If their motive is to butt heads with Ma Ying-jeou, if their motive is to declare war on Ma Ying-jeou, legislators should pick another issue. If they use Wang Chien-hsuan’s refusal to solicit votes as an excuse to vent their spleen, if they attempt to turn the issue into a political football, if they turn the issue into a war between Wang Chien-hsuan and the Legislative Yuan, they may defeat Wang Chien-hsuan in the Legislative Yuan. But in terms of public image, the Legislative Yuan will only shoot itself in the foot. If they insult a former official known for his personal integrity, merely to embarrass him, the ones actually embarrassed will be themselves. They will bring shame upon the Legislative Yuan. In order to engage in political wrangling, they will sacrifice Wang Chien-hsuan.

The public has enormous respect for Wang Chien-hsuan’s character. It is said that after his physical examination early this year, he made out his will. He arranged to donate all his worldy possessions to charity. He expressed gratitude for all the support his wife gave him over a lifetime. He also joked that the only thing he’s not willing to donate is his wife Su Fa-chao. Today Su Fa-chao told reporters she was reluctant to see Wang undergo the nomination process for President of the Control Yuan under such circumstances. The couple’s expression of feelings have touched the peoples’ hearts.

Wang Chien-hsuan has confronted the Legislative Yuan in this manner. Ma Ying-jeou can not of course always approach the Legislative Yuan in a confrontational manner. As the leader of the government, Ma Ying-jeou needs to learn a little more finesse. This is something Ma Ying-jeou lacks. Otherwise, his administration will find itself hamstrung. The Legislative Yuan meanwhile must not treat everything as a bargaining chip and adopt such a haughty posture. The eyes of the public are on you as well. You too will be judged for your behavior.

冷眼集》立委們，等著民眾評分吧！
【聯合晚報╱記者黃國樑/特稿】
2008.06.25 08:18 pm

王建煊被馬英九總統提名為監察院長，社會一片叫好，但王建煊不必去立法院拜票的說法，卻惹毛了立法院，立法院如今揚言讓王建煊得票難看，明著是對抗王建煊，實則是向馬英九叫陣。其實不論誰的論點或關照正確，這種無聊的對抗，其實都已經讓民眾徹底失望。

監院的存在，是一種防腐機制，防止政府濫權、貪腐，因此，有關它的討論，如果不是鎖定在究竟誰是適任者，誰可能應該被擋下，排除在監院大門之外，而是降格到究竟要不要拜票，你拜票才看得起我，不拜票我就讓你好看，這種鬥氣又低能的把戲，民眾看了能不偃首嘆息？

王建煊與馬英九的共識其實是沒有錯的，監委由總統提名，再由國會行使同意權，並不意味被提名人應該去向立委拜票。拜票者，就是人情之請託也，監委如果曾經向立委鞠躬，為了此一「權位」競折腰，日後又如何能執春秋之筆，彈劾失職官員呢？

王建煊的聖人封號，其實已在民間建立起很高的聲望，立委如果要鬥馬英九，要向馬英九宣戰，最好拿別的題目，如果假借王建煊的不拜票說，就怒火沖天，拿著雞毛當令箭大做文章，變成王建煊與立法院的大戰，可能立法院在票數上會贏了王建煊，但在形象上，立法院不過是自取其辱。因為，將一個公認清廉的人，打了特低的低分，以為讓王建煊「難堪」，但真的難堪的是立法院，代表立法院厚顏無恥，為了政爭，居然以王建煊為祭品。

王建煊的為人，社會有很高的評價。據了解，今年初他身體檢查後，就已預立遺囑，將他身外之物都捐出去了，做好一切安排。對太太蘇法昭一輩子的扶持及支持，他感念在心，但也打趣說，他唯一捐不出去的就是蘇法昭了。對照蘇法昭今天面對媒體，仍不願看王在這種情況下出任監察院長，兩人之情，溢於言表，也讓外界不捨。

王建煊都能如此面對立院，馬英九當然不能總是與立法院形成對峙形勢，做為國政的領導中心，馬英九要有更純熟的手腕，這是馬英九要修習的學分，否則其施政將困騫顛跛，但立法院不能一副什麼都要拿籌碼來換的嘴臉，請注意，群眾的每一雙眼都在睜視著你們，你們也等著被評分。

With a Cold Eye: Lawmakers, Beware the People’s Judgment!

With a Cold Eye: Lawmakers, Beware the People’s Judgment!
United Evening News reporter Kuo-Liang-huang / Special]
June 25, 2008


Wang Chien-hsuan (right) and Shen Fu-hsiung, Nominees for President and Vice President of the Control Yuan

Ma Ying-jeou has nominated Wang Chien-hsuan President of the Control Yuan. The public is enthusiastically applauding the move. But Wang Chien-hsuan’s declaration that Control Yuan nominees need not visit the Legislative Yuan to solicit their votes has angered the Legislative Yuan. Today legislators threatened to humiliate Wang Chien-hsuan by rejecting his nomination. Superficially they were confronting Wang Chien-hsuan. In reality they were confronting Ma Ying-jeou. In fact, no matter who is right, this sort of senseless confrontation has left the public thoroughly disillusioned.

The Control Yuan is a safeguard against corruption. Its purpose is to prevent graft and the abuse of power. Therefore, any debate about the nomination process should be about who is qualified for the position. The debate must not be about who must be rejected or shut out of the Control Yuan based on whether they are willing to solicit votes. If the debated degenerates into an infantile contest of wills — if you solicit my vote I will support you, if you don’t solicit my vote you will suffer the consequences — then the public can only lower its head and sigh.

The understanding Ma Ying-jeou and Wang Chien-hsuan have is correct. Control Yuan members are nominated by the president. The legislature then exercises its right of approval. That does not not mean that nominees ought to solicit votes from legislators. Anyone who solicits votes is making an appeal based on personal relationships. If the Control Yuan kowtows to legislators, if it genuflects before them in order to be appointed, how can they possibly execute their duties in accordance with the letter of the law, by impeaching officials guilty of malfeasance?

Wang Chien-hsuan is known as “Saint Wang.” He is revered by the public. If their motive is to butt heads with Ma Ying-jeou, if their motive is to declare war on Ma Ying-jeou, legislators should pick another issue. If they use Wang Chien-hsuan’s refusal to solicit votes as an excuse to vent their spleen, if they attempt to turn the issue into a political football, if they turn the issue into a war between Wang Chien-hsuan and the Legislative Yuan, they may defeat Wang Chien-hsuan in the Legislative Yuan. But in terms of public image, the Legislative Yuan will only shoot itself in the foot. If they insult a former official known for his personal integrity, merely to embarrass him, the ones actually embarrassed will be themselves. They will bring shame upon the Legislative Yuan. In order to engage in political wrangling, they will sacrifice Wang Chien-hsuan.

The public has enormous respect for Wang Chien-hsuan’s character. It is said that after his physical examination early this year, he made out his will. He arranged to donate all his worldy possessions to charity. He expressed gratitude for all the support his wife gave him over a lifetime. He also joked that the only thing he’s not willing to donate is his wife Su Fa-chao. Today Su Fa-chao told reporters she was reluctant to see Wang undergo the nomination process for President of the Control Yuan under such circumstances. The couple’s expression of feelings have touched the peoples’ hearts.

Wang Chien-hsuan has confronted the Legislative Yuan in this manner. Ma Ying-jeou can not of course always approach the Legislative Yuan in a confrontational manner. As the leader of the government, Ma Ying-jeou needs to learn a little more finesse. This is something Ma Ying-jeou lacks. Otherwise, his administration will find itself hamstrung. The Legislative Yuan meanwhile must not treat everything as a bargaining chip and adopt such a haughty posture. The eyes of the public are on you as well. You too will be judged for your behavior.

冷眼集》立委們，等著民眾評分吧！
【聯合晚報╱記者黃國樑/特稿】
2008.06.25 08:18 pm

王建煊被馬英九總統提名為監察院長，社會一片叫好，但王建煊不必去立法院拜票的說法，卻惹毛了立法院，立法院如今揚言讓王建煊得票難看，明著是對抗王建煊，實則是向馬英九叫陣。其實不論誰的論點或關照正確，這種無聊的對抗，其實都已經讓民眾徹底失望。

監院的存在，是一種防腐機制，防止政府濫權、貪腐，因此，有關它的討論，如果不是鎖定在究竟誰是適任者，誰可能應該被擋下，排除在監院大門之外，而是降格到究竟要不要拜票，你拜票才看得起我，不拜票我就讓你好看，這種鬥氣又低能的把戲，民眾看了能不偃首嘆息？

王建煊與馬英九的共識其實是沒有錯的，監委由總統提名，再由國會行使同意權，並不意味被提名人應該去向立委拜票。拜票者，就是人情之請託也，監委如果曾經向立委鞠躬，為了此一「權位」競折腰，日後又如何能執春秋之筆，彈劾失職官員呢？

王建煊的聖人封號，其實已在民間建立起很高的聲望，立委如果要鬥馬英九，要向馬英九宣戰，最好拿別的題目，如果假借王建煊的不拜票說，就怒火沖天，拿著雞毛當令箭大做文章，變成王建煊與立法院的大戰，可能立法院在票數上會贏了王建煊，但在形象上，立法院不過是自取其辱。因為，將一個公認清廉的人，打了特低的低分，以為讓王建煊「難堪」，但真的難堪的是立法院，代表立法院厚顏無恥，為了政爭，居然以王建煊為祭品。

王建煊的為人，社會有很高的評價。據了解，今年初他身體檢查後，就已預立遺囑，將他身外之物都捐出去了，做好一切安排。對太太蘇法昭一輩子的扶持及支持，他感念在心，但也打趣說，他唯一捐不出去的就是蘇法昭了。對照蘇法昭今天面對媒體，仍不願看王在這種情況下出任監察院長，兩人之情，溢於言表，也讓外界不捨。

王建煊都能如此面對立院，馬英九當然不能總是與立法院形成對峙形勢，做為國政的領導中心，馬英九要有更純熟的手腕，這是馬英九要修習的學分，否則其施政將困騫顛跛，但立法院不能一副什麼都要拿籌碼來換的嘴臉，請注意，群眾的每一雙眼都在睜視著你們，你們也等著被評分。

With a Cold Eye: Lawmakers, Beware the People’s Judgment!

With a Cold Eye: Lawmakers, Beware the People’s Judgment!
United Evening News reporter Kuo-Liang-huang / Special]
June 25, 2008


Wang Chien-hsuan (right) and Shen Fu-hsiung, Nominees for President and Vice President of the Control Yuan

Ma Ying-jeou has nominated Wang Chien-hsuan President of the Control Yuan. The public is enthusiastically applauding the move. But Wang Chien-hsuan’s declaration that Control Yuan nominees need not visit the Legislative Yuan to solicit their votes has angered the Legislative Yuan. Today legislators threatened to humiliate Wang Chien-hsuan by rejecting his nomination. Superficially they were confronting Wang Chien-hsuan. In reality they were confronting Ma Ying-jeou. In fact, no matter who is right, this sort of senseless confrontation has left the public thoroughly disillusioned.

The Control Yuan is a safeguard against corruption. Its purpose is to prevent graft and the abuse of power. Therefore, any debate about the nomination process should be about who is qualified for the position. The debate must not be about who must be rejected or shut out of the Control Yuan based on whether they are willing to solicit votes. If the debated degenerates into an infantile contest of wills — if you solicit my vote I will support you, if you don’t solicit my vote you will suffer the consequences — then the public can only lower its head and sigh.

The understanding Ma Ying-jeou and Wang Chien-hsuan have is correct. Control Yuan members are nominated by the president. The legislature then exercises its right of approval. That does not not mean that nominees ought to solicit votes from legislators. Anyone who solicits votes is making an appeal based on personal relationships. If the Control Yuan kowtows to legislators, if it genuflects before them in order to be appointed, how can they possibly execute their duties in accordance with the letter of the law, by impeaching officials guilty of malfeasance?

Wang Chien-hsuan is known as “Saint Wang.” He is revered by the public. If their motive is to butt heads with Ma Ying-jeou, if their motive is to declare war on Ma Ying-jeou, legislators should pick another issue. If they use Wang Chien-hsuan’s refusal to solicit votes as an excuse to vent their spleen, if they attempt to turn the issue into a political football, if they turn the issue into a war between Wang Chien-hsuan and the Legislative Yuan, they may defeat Wang Chien-hsuan in the Legislative Yuan. But in terms of public image, the Legislative Yuan will only shoot itself in the foot. If they insult a former official known for his personal integrity, merely to embarrass him, the ones actually embarrassed will be themselves. They will bring shame upon the Legislative Yuan. In order to engage in political wrangling, they will sacrifice Wang Chien-hsuan.

The public has enormous respect for Wang Chien-hsuan’s character. It is said that after his physical examination early this year, he made out his will. He arranged to donate all his worldy possessions to charity. He expressed gratitude for all the support his wife gave him over a lifetime. He also joked that the only thing he’s not willing to donate is his wife Su Fa-chao. Today Su Fa-chao told reporters she was reluctant to see Wang undergo the nomination process for President of the Control Yuan under such circumstances. The couple’s expression of feelings have touched the peoples’ hearts.

Wang Chien-hsuan has confronted the Legislative Yuan in this manner. Ma Ying-jeou can not of course always approach the Legislative Yuan in a confrontational manner. As the leader of the government, Ma Ying-jeou needs to learn a little more finesse. This is something Ma Ying-jeou lacks. Otherwise, his administration will find itself hamstrung. The Legislative Yuan meanwhile must not treat everything as a bargaining chip and adopt such a haughty posture. The eyes of the public are on you as well. You too will be judged for your behavior.

冷眼集》立委們，等著民眾評分吧！
【聯合晚報╱記者黃國樑/特稿】
2008.06.25 08:18 pm

王建煊被馬英九總統提名為監察院長，社會一片叫好，但王建煊不必去立法院拜票的說法，卻惹毛了立法院，立法院如今揚言讓王建煊得票難看，明著是對抗王建煊，實則是向馬英九叫陣。其實不論誰的論點或關照正確，這種無聊的對抗，其實都已經讓民眾徹底失望。

監院的存在，是一種防腐機制，防止政府濫權、貪腐，因此，有關它的討論，如果不是鎖定在究竟誰是適任者，誰可能應該被擋下，排除在監院大門之外，而是降格到究竟要不要拜票，你拜票才看得起我，不拜票我就讓你好看，這種鬥氣又低能的把戲，民眾看了能不偃首嘆息？

王建煊與馬英九的共識其實是沒有錯的，監委由總統提名，再由國會行使同意權，並不意味被提名人應該去向立委拜票。拜票者，就是人情之請託也，監委如果曾經向立委鞠躬，為了此一「權位」競折腰，日後又如何能執春秋之筆，彈劾失職官員呢？

王建煊的聖人封號，其實已在民間建立起很高的聲望，立委如果要鬥馬英九，要向馬英九宣戰，最好拿別的題目，如果假借王建煊的不拜票說，就怒火沖天，拿著雞毛當令箭大做文章，變成王建煊與立法院的大戰，可能立法院在票數上會贏了王建煊，但在形象上，立法院不過是自取其辱。因為，將一個公認清廉的人，打了特低的低分，以為讓王建煊「難堪」，但真的難堪的是立法院，代表立法院厚顏無恥，為了政爭，居然以王建煊為祭品。

王建煊的為人，社會有很高的評價。據了解，今年初他身體檢查後，就已預立遺囑，將他身外之物都捐出去了，做好一切安排。對太太蘇法昭一輩子的扶持及支持，他感念在心，但也打趣說，他唯一捐不出去的就是蘇法昭了。對照蘇法昭今天面對媒體，仍不願看王在這種情況下出任監察院長，兩人之情，溢於言表，也讓外界不捨。

王建煊都能如此面對立院，馬英九當然不能總是與立法院形成對峙形勢，做為國政的領導中心，馬英九要有更純熟的手腕，這是馬英九要修習的學分，否則其施政將困騫顛跛，但立法院不能一副什麼都要拿籌碼來換的嘴臉，請注意，群眾的每一雙眼都在睜視著你們，你們也等著被評分。

With a Cold Eye: Lawmakers, Beware the People’s Judgment!

With a Cold Eye: Lawmakers, Beware the People’s Judgment!
United Evening News reporter Kuo-Liang-huang / Special]
June 25, 2008


Wang Chien-hsuan (right) and Shen Fu-hsiung, Nominees for President and Vice President of the Control Yuan

Ma Ying-jeou has nominated Wang Chien-hsuan President of the Control Yuan. The public is enthusiastically applauding the move. But Wang Chien-hsuan’s declaration that Control Yuan nominees need not visit the Legislative Yuan to solicit their votes has angered the Legislative Yuan. Today legislators threatened to humiliate Wang Chien-hsuan by rejecting his nomination. Superficially they were confronting Wang Chien-hsuan. In reality they were confronting Ma Ying-jeou. In fact, no matter who is right, this sort of senseless confrontation has left the public thoroughly disillusioned.

The Control Yuan is a safeguard against corruption. Its purpose is to prevent graft and the abuse of power. Therefore, any debate about the nomination process should be about who is qualified for the position. The debate must not be about who must be rejected or shut out of the Control Yuan based on whether they are willing to solicit votes. If the debated degenerates into an infantile contest of wills — if you solicit my vote I will support you, if you don’t solicit my vote you will suffer the consequences — then the public can only lower its head and sigh.

The understanding Ma Ying-jeou and Wang Chien-hsuan have is correct. Control Yuan members are nominated by the president. The legislature then exercises its right of approval. That does not not mean that nominees ought to solicit votes from legislators. Anyone who solicits votes is making an appeal based on personal relationships. If the Control Yuan kowtows to legislators, if it genuflects before them in order to be appointed, how can they possibly execute their duties in accordance with the letter of the law, by impeaching officials guilty of malfeasance?

Wang Chien-hsuan is known as “Saint Wang.” He is revered by the public. If their motive is to butt heads with Ma Ying-jeou, if their motive is to declare war on Ma Ying-jeou, legislators should pick another issue. If they use Wang Chien-hsuan’s refusal to solicit votes as an excuse to vent their spleen, if they attempt to turn the issue into a political football, if they turn the issue into a war between Wang Chien-hsuan and the Legislative Yuan, they may defeat Wang Chien-hsuan in the Legislative Yuan. But in terms of public image, the Legislative Yuan will only shoot itself in the foot. If they insult a former official known for his personal integrity, merely to embarrass him, the ones actually embarrassed will be themselves. They will bring shame upon the Legislative Yuan. In order to engage in political wrangling, they will sacrifice Wang Chien-hsuan.

The public has enormous respect for Wang Chien-hsuan’s character. It is said that after his physical examination early this year, he made out his will. He arranged to donate all his worldy possessions to charity. He expressed gratitude for all the support his wife gave him over a lifetime. He also joked that the only thing he’s not willing to donate is his wife Su Fa-chao. Today Su Fa-chao told reporters she was reluctant to see Wang undergo the nomination process for President of the Control Yuan under such circumstances. The couple’s expression of feelings have touched the peoples’ hearts.

Wang Chien-hsuan has confronted the Legislative Yuan in this manner. Ma Ying-jeou can not of course always approach the Legislative Yuan in a confrontational manner. As the leader of the government, Ma Ying-jeou needs to learn a little more finesse. This is something Ma Ying-jeou lacks. Otherwise, his administration will find itself hamstrung. The Legislative Yuan meanwhile must not treat everything as a bargaining chip and adopt such a haughty posture. The eyes of the public are on you as well. You too will be judged for your behavior.

冷眼集》立委們，等著民眾評分吧！
【聯合晚報╱記者黃國樑/特稿】
2008.06.25 08:18 pm

王建煊被馬英九總統提名為監察院長，社會一片叫好，但王建煊不必去立法院拜票的說法，卻惹毛了立法院，立法院如今揚言讓王建煊得票難看，明著是對抗王建煊，實則是向馬英九叫陣。其實不論誰的論點或關照正確，這種無聊的對抗，其實都已經讓民眾徹底失望。

監院的存在，是一種防腐機制，防止政府濫權、貪腐，因此，有關它的討論，如果不是鎖定在究竟誰是適任者，誰可能應該被擋下，排除在監院大門之外，而是降格到究竟要不要拜票，你拜票才看得起我，不拜票我就讓你好看，這種鬥氣又低能的把戲，民眾看了能不偃首嘆息？

王建煊與馬英九的共識其實是沒有錯的，監委由總統提名，再由國會行使同意權，並不意味被提名人應該去向立委拜票。拜票者，就是人情之請託也，監委如果曾經向立委鞠躬，為了此一「權位」競折腰，日後又如何能執春秋之筆，彈劾失職官員呢？

王建煊的聖人封號，其實已在民間建立起很高的聲望，立委如果要鬥馬英九，要向馬英九宣戰，最好拿別的題目，如果假借王建煊的不拜票說，就怒火沖天，拿著雞毛當令箭大做文章，變成王建煊與立法院的大戰，可能立法院在票數上會贏了王建煊，但在形象上，立法院不過是自取其辱。因為，將一個公認清廉的人，打了特低的低分，以為讓王建煊「難堪」，但真的難堪的是立法院，代表立法院厚顏無恥，為了政爭，居然以王建煊為祭品。

王建煊的為人，社會有很高的評價。據了解，今年初他身體檢查後，就已預立遺囑，將他身外之物都捐出去了，做好一切安排。對太太蘇法昭一輩子的扶持及支持，他感念在心，但也打趣說，他唯一捐不出去的就是蘇法昭了。對照蘇法昭今天面對媒體，仍不願看王在這種情況下出任監察院長，兩人之情，溢於言表，也讓外界不捨。

王建煊都能如此面對立院，馬英九當然不能總是與立法院形成對峙形勢，做為國政的領導中心，馬英九要有更純熟的手腕，這是馬英九要修習的學分，否則其施政將困騫顛跛，但立法院不能一副什麼都要拿籌碼來換的嘴臉，請注意，群眾的每一雙眼都在睜視著你們，你們也等著被評分。

With a Cold Eye: Lawmakers, Beware the People’s Judgment!

With a Cold Eye: Lawmakers, Beware the People’s Judgment!
United Evening News reporter Kuo-Liang-huang / Special]
June 25, 2008


Wang Chien-hsuan (right) and Shen Fu-hsiung, Nominees for President and Vice President of the Control Yuan

Ma Ying-jeou has nominated Wang Chien-hsuan President of the Control Yuan. The public is enthusiastically applauding the move. But Wang Chien-hsuan’s declaration that Control Yuan nominees need not visit the Legislative Yuan to solicit their votes has angered the Legislative Yuan. Today legislators threatened to humiliate Wang Chien-hsuan by rejecting his nomination. Superficially they were confronting Wang Chien-hsuan. In reality they were confronting Ma Ying-jeou. In fact, no matter who is right, this sort of senseless confrontation has left the public thoroughly disillusioned.

The Control Yuan is a safeguard against corruption. Its purpose is to prevent graft and the abuse of power. Therefore, any debate about the nomination process should be about who is qualified for the position. The debate must not be about who must be rejected or shut out of the Control Yuan based on whether they are willing to solicit votes. If the debated degenerates into an infantile contest of wills — if you solicit my vote I will support you, if you don’t solicit my vote you will suffer the consequences — then the public can only lower its head and sigh.

The understanding Ma Ying-jeou and Wang Chien-hsuan have is correct. Control Yuan members are nominated by the president. The legislature then exercises its right of approval. That does not not mean that nominees ought to solicit votes from legislators. Anyone who solicits votes is making an appeal based on personal relationships. If the Control Yuan kowtows to legislators, if it genuflects before them in order to be appointed, how can they possibly execute their duties in accordance with the letter of the law, by impeaching officials guilty of malfeasance?

Wang Chien-hsuan is known as “Saint Wang.” He is revered by the public. If their motive is to butt heads with Ma Ying-jeou, if their motive is to declare war on Ma Ying-jeou, legislators should pick another issue. If they use Wang Chien-hsuan’s refusal to solicit votes as an excuse to vent their spleen, if they attempt to turn the issue into a political football, if they turn the issue into a war between Wang Chien-hsuan and the Legislative Yuan, they may defeat Wang Chien-hsuan in the Legislative Yuan. But in terms of public image, the Legislative Yuan will only shoot itself in the foot. If they insult a former official known for his personal integrity, merely to embarrass him, the ones actually embarrassed will be themselves. They will bring shame upon the Legislative Yuan. In order to engage in political wrangling, they will sacrifice Wang Chien-hsuan.

The public has enormous respect for Wang Chien-hsuan’s character. It is said that after his physical examination early this year, he made out his will. He arranged to donate all his worldy possessions to charity. He expressed gratitude for all the support his wife gave him over a lifetime. He also joked that the only thing he’s not willing to donate is his wife Su Fa-chao. Today Su Fa-chao told reporters she was reluctant to see Wang undergo the nomination process for President of the Control Yuan under such circumstances. The couple’s expression of feelings have touched the peoples’ hearts.

Wang Chien-hsuan has confronted the Legislative Yuan in this manner. Ma Ying-jeou can not of course always approach the Legislative Yuan in a confrontational manner. As the leader of the government, Ma Ying-jeou needs to learn a little more finesse. This is something Ma Ying-jeou lacks. Otherwise, his administration will find itself hamstrung. The Legislative Yuan meanwhile must not treat everything as a bargaining chip and adopt such a haughty posture. The eyes of the public are on you as well. You too will be judged for your behavior.

冷眼集》立委們，等著民眾評分吧！
【聯合晚報╱記者黃國樑/特稿】
2008.06.25 08:18 pm

王建煊被馬英九總統提名為監察院長，社會一片叫好，但王建煊不必去立法院拜票的說法，卻惹毛了立法院，立法院如今揚言讓王建煊得票難看，明著是對抗王建煊，實則是向馬英九叫陣。其實不論誰的論點或關照正確，這種無聊的對抗，其實都已經讓民眾徹底失望。

監院的存在，是一種防腐機制，防止政府濫權、貪腐，因此，有關它的討論，如果不是鎖定在究竟誰是適任者，誰可能應該被擋下，排除在監院大門之外，而是降格到究竟要不要拜票，你拜票才看得起我，不拜票我就讓你好看，這種鬥氣又低能的把戲，民眾看了能不偃首嘆息？

王建煊與馬英九的共識其實是沒有錯的，監委由總統提名，再由國會行使同意權，並不意味被提名人應該去向立委拜票。拜票者，就是人情之請託也，監委如果曾經向立委鞠躬，為了此一「權位」競折腰，日後又如何能執春秋之筆，彈劾失職官員呢？

王建煊的聖人封號，其實已在民間建立起很高的聲望，立委如果要鬥馬英九，要向馬英九宣戰，最好拿別的題目，如果假借王建煊的不拜票說，就怒火沖天，拿著雞毛當令箭大做文章，變成王建煊與立法院的大戰，可能立法院在票數上會贏了王建煊，但在形象上，立法院不過是自取其辱。因為，將一個公認清廉的人，打了特低的低分，以為讓王建煊「難堪」，但真的難堪的是立法院，代表立法院厚顏無恥，為了政爭，居然以王建煊為祭品。

王建煊的為人，社會有很高的評價。據了解，今年初他身體檢查後，就已預立遺囑，將他身外之物都捐出去了，做好一切安排。對太太蘇法昭一輩子的扶持及支持，他感念在心，但也打趣說，他唯一捐不出去的就是蘇法昭了。對照蘇法昭今天面對媒體，仍不願看王在這種情況下出任監察院長，兩人之情，溢於言表，也讓外界不捨。

王建煊都能如此面對立院，馬英九當然不能總是與立法院形成對峙形勢，做為國政的領導中心，馬英九要有更純熟的手腕，這是馬英九要修習的學分，否則其施政將困騫顛跛，但立法院不能一副什麼都要拿籌碼來換的嘴臉，請注意，群眾的每一雙眼都在睜視著你們，你們也等著被評分。

The Government Must Beware the Impact of Fuel and Electricity Price Increases in July

The Government Must Beware the Impact of Fuel and Electricity Price Increases in July
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
June 27, 2008

The pain from the May 28 fuel price increase has yet to recede. But alarms from twin increases in fuel and electricity prices on July 1 are already sounding. When stagflation is rearing its ugly head, the DPP is proposing yet another agitprop “Tax Rebate Wealth Sharing” initiative. Will the Liu cabinet make a wiser decision this time? We are all waiting with bated breath.

The opposition DPP is screaming about tax rebates and wealth sharing. The ruling KMT on the other hand, is busy calculating price increases. The character of the two political parties is as different as night and day. The former thinks only of currying favor with voters, without regard for the long-term consequences. The latter thinks only of balancing the books, and seems oblivious to people’s feelings. If the two parties were to complement each other’s weaknesses, the DPP would act a a little more responsibily and rationally, and indulge in a little less vainglory and populism. The KMT would display a little more sensitivity, and a little less stolidity. Only then would the public on Taiwan cease being victimized by both camps.

In normal times, fuel and electricity prices would be adjusted regularly according to a reasonable formula that reflected production costs. They would of course conform to the iron laws of the marketplace. They would also allow businesses to remain in step with the global economy. But the situation facing Taiwan today can hardly be termed normal. Internally, energy and important raw material prices were artificially held down during the Chen Shui-bian era. Allowing prices to resume their market levels too rapidly would inflict too much pain on the public. Externally, the global economy is mired in stagflation. Any little misstep by the government could spell danger, with incalculable consequences.

In fact, during the last fuel price increase, We reminded the new administration that must not lose touch with public sentiment merely because it won a landslide victory in the presidential election. Unfortunately, the cabinet was firmly committed to the “immediate and full restoration of market prices.” The result is its current dilemma. Market prices have not been “immediately and fully restored.” The only thing immediately and fully restored has been public discontent. The rapidly eroding reputation of the cabinet is not the only cause for concern. The stock market’s continued decline reflects inadequate momentum in Taiwan economy. Add public pessimism over inflation, and the atmosphere hardly conducive to government efforts to rally public morale. The twin increases in fuel and electricity prices scheduled for July 1 are bound to provoke intense public dissatisfaction. The current lull is merely the calm before the storm. It is not something for which the Liu cabinet can control. The only question is whether the Liu cabinet knows what it’s in for.

An economy poised atop a slippery slope has been staggered by a one-two combination from the global energy crisis and stagflation. No government is going to find it easy to deal with such a matter. The Liu cabinet includes numerous experts in economics and finance. But that doesn’t mean it’s prepared for this sort of massive internal and external change. This group of administators is too elitist in its nature. Most worrisome is its lack of sensitivity to public opinion and its lack of flexibility in the face of changing conditions.

The Government must be guarded in its response to this wave of price hikes, for three reasons.

1. Consumer Prices. Changes in fuel, electricity, water, and fertilizer prices are the ones most likely to trigger price fluctuations further down the line. Once the price mechanism kicks in, it sweeps across everything in its path. The impact is irreversible. When the Ma administration took office it announced in advance its timetable for various price increases. This not only fueled expectations of price increases, it was tantamount to a self-fulfilling prophecy. Once a spark touches off a prairie fire, it will inevitably be blamed as the cause.

2. Public Psychology. After one month of wear and tear, the new administration has lost its original lustre. Most people are still willing to give it a chance. But their patience is wearing thin. This must not be ignored. May consumer prices rose 3.71 percent. Core Consumer Prices reached a new nine-year high. By contrast salaries have not increased for years. Taiwan is already mired in the swamp of stagflation. When public doubts about “Things improving immediately” increase, yet the government remains unaware of the warning signs, its reactions are much too tardy.

3. Political Promises. The biggest promise Ma Ying-jeou made to the people during the election was its promise to revive the economy. Taiwan’s economy is currently in decline, with no signs of improvement in sight. The government has focused its attention entirely on price increases. This inverts priorities and leaves it open to charges of being a “Price Hike Cabinet.” Besides, constantly stressing SOE revenues while neglecting the public’s economic hardship, amounts to a display of callous indifference. If public indignation comes to a boil, and the government throws it another bone, that will restore neither public confidence nor consumer prices. The DPP is demanding “tax rebates and wealth sharing.” This of course is transparent political opportunism on the part of sleazy politicians. But the Ma administration’s efforts to balance the books for SOEs on the backs of the general public is equally foolish.

Assessing the current situation, the Ma administration must be especially leery of the impact of its July 1 fuel and electricity price increases. Its response must be measured. In particular, the economy must receive a full injection of new blood, allowing the market and public confidence to rally. It must not allow society to remain mired in the pessimistic atmosphere of stagflation.

七月油電雙漲，政府務須謹慎以對
【聯合報╱社論】
2008.06.27 03:01 am

五二八調漲油價的陣痛尚未消退，七一油電雙漲的警報又已嗚嗚大作。當停滯膨脹危機當頭，而民進黨又提出「退稅分錢」的民粹倡議抗衡，劉內閣這次是否會作出更有智慧的決策，大家正屏息以待。

在 野黨嚷著退稅分錢，執政黨卻埋頭盤算著漲價，兩個政黨性格簡直異如天壤。前者一心只想討好選民，不顧國家社會的長期後果；後者卻只顧追求行政枝節的平衡， 似乎未能回應人民的感受。兩黨若能彼此互補一下，民進黨多一點責任理性、少一點浮華民粹，國民黨多一點普羅感應、少一點學究冬烘；那樣，台灣人民才不致兩 邊受罪。

若在正常時日，油電價格根據合理公式定期反映成本，當然最符合市場經濟的穩健法則，也能讓企業經營與國際經濟節奏合拍。但台灣今 天面對的情勢，能否稱為「正常」？從內部看，能源及重要原物料價格在扁政府時代經過一番扭曲，短期內要全部漲足，民眾的痛楚將極深重；向外看，全球經濟正 陷入一波「停滯膨脹」風暴，政府決策稍一偏失，即可能將台灣推進危險地帶，後果難以逆料。

事實上，在上次調漲油價之前，我們即曾提醒新政 府不可憑恃選舉之大勝而失卻對社會現實感的掌握；可惜，當時內閣卡在「一次漲足」的思維框框中，進退失據。結果是其實並未「漲足」，民怨卻已沖天。一個月 來，讓人擔心的不只是內閣聲望的滑落，股市連續下挫反映了台灣經濟的動能不足，再加上民眾對物價飛漲所表現的悲觀，這種種氣氛，都不利於政府再採取衝擊民 生士氣的決策。亦即，七一油電雙漲注定要承受強烈的民意反感，眼前的寧靜過後，將是什麼樣的風暴襲來，恐怕不在劉內閣的掌握之中，唯不知劉內閣對此有無正 確的感應。

一個處於滑坡中的經濟，又遭逢世界性能源危機及停滯膨脹的左右夾擊，在任何政府而言，都不會是容易處理的事。劉內閣中雖然財經老將不少，卻未必有因應這種內外巨變的經驗；而這個行政團隊菁英取向太強，缺乏對民意的敏銳感應及因應變局的靈活思考，才是最令人擔憂之處。

我 們之所以呼籲政府務必謹慎因應這波漲價，主要理由有三：第一，就物價論物價，最容易引發物價連鎖波動的，莫過於油、電、水、肥等公用事業價格；其漲價機關 一旦啟動，就是橫掃百業，無法逆轉。馬政府未上任即已預告各項費率漲價時程，不僅助長預期心理，也形同以物價「推手」自居；一旦野火燎原，必定成為眾人怪 罪的「禍首」。

第二，從民眾的心理看，政府的新銳之氣經過一個月磨損，已失去原先的光華。多數人雖仍抱持著善意期待，但人們受苦的耐心禁 得起多少挫折，實不容高估。五月份消費物價上漲百分之三點七一，核心物價漲幅更創下九年新高，對比薪資多年未漲，台灣實已踩在停滯膨脹的泥沼裡。當社會上 對於「馬上就會好」的質疑聲浪越來越大，政府若還察覺不出其中警訊，未免太過遲鈍。

第三，從政治承諾和決策選擇看，選前馬英九給人民最大 的承諾，是要重振經濟。現在，台灣經濟頹勢未見起色，政府卻把全副重心放在調漲價格，不僅本末倒置，也只會招來「漲價內閣」之譏。而且，一味強調公營事業 營收，卻輕忽民生疾苦，這展示了什麼施政仁心？何況，萬一決策招致民怨沸騰，政府再另拋利多去平息眾怒，恐怕也搶救不回民心和物價。民進黨要求「退稅分 錢」固然是政治投機客的近利思維，但馬政府以全民痛苦為代價替公營事業的財務爭平衡的做法，不也愚不可及。

盱衡眼前形勢，馬政府對七一油電漲價恐怕必須格外謹慎，多所斟酌；尤其應當全力打通經濟的血脈，迅速使市況及民心振作起來，勿使社會久陷於「停滯膨脹」的悲觀氣氛之中。

Ma Ying-jeou: Do Not Allow Talk of "Retreating to the Second Line" Bind You Hand and Feet

Ma Ying-jeou: Do Not Allow Talk of “Retreating to the Second Line” Bind You Hand and Feet
China Times Editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
June 26, 2008

President Ma’s comment that he has “retreated to the second line” has provoked considerable debate. What exactly is “retreating to the second line?” Have Ma’s actions this past month been appropriate for a democratically elected president, as defined by the constitution? Put more simply, when Ma asks his financial and economic advisors “Why is the stock market falling without end?” are such expressions of concern consistent with “retreating to the second line?”

As everyone knows the stock market has fallen relentlessly ever since Ma assumed office. Investor losses can only be described as appalling. “Why is the stock market falling without end? is a question everyone ought to be asking. The only person who shouldn’t be asking the question, at least not in public, is President Ma. After all, he is the one should be providing us with the answers. Although Ma has been in office for a full month, he has no idea why the stock market is falling without end. Yet he persists in commenting on matters that are none of his concern, such as whether rural primary schools should be eliminated, and whether Chuang Kuo-rong should keep his teaching post. Is this really the way to “retreat to the second line?”

True, President Ma is under the spotlight and in the hotseat. The slightest misstatement or misstep will invite a barrage of “damned if you do, damned if you don’t” criticisms. But like it or not, President Ma must acknowledge a harsh reality. The people may support a president who respects his constitutional mandate. After all, Ma Ying-jeou received over 7 million votes. But they will not support a president who sticks his nose into matters that are none of his business, especially when he is still clueless about affairs of state one month after assuming office.

The past eight years of DPP misrule have provided the Republic of China with a valuable object lesson in how not to govern a nation. The KMT’s return to power after a second change in ruling parties is providing the nation with another kind of lesson in constitutional rule. The key question is how will President Ma and the KMT define their roles during this process. Only a few comparisons are required to show how different the current political environment is from the past past eight years. During the eight years the DPP has been in power, a president elected by a plurality has presided over a minority government. Former President Chen never gave a damn about constitutional restraints on his power. He openly demeaned the constitution openly, in public. He expanded his powers without limit. He used and abused a string of Premiers. Outside observers concluded he was attempting to create an Imperial Presidency. Even more troublesome to Chen Shui-bian and the DPP was the opposition dominated legislature. Chen Shui-bian and the DPP were never willing to compromise or engage in dialogue. Instead they incited populist mob sentiment and butted heads with the opposition. The results were predictable. Eight years in office and nothing to show in the way of accomplishments. Its sole legacy? A negative example of how not to govern a nation.

Today’s political landscape is the diametric opposite of what it was over the past eight years. We now have a majority President, and a ruling party that commands a supermajority in the legislature. Such an natural advantage gives President Ma an opportunity to realize his constitutional ideals. Ma Ying-jeou naturally cares more about the constitution than Chen Shui-bian. To him the constitution specifies a dual-leadership system. Therefore he does not want to encroach upon the powers of the Premier. Hence his declaration that he was “retreating to the second line.”

Even more coincidentally, after Ma stepped down from the position of party chairman after being indicted by the Special Prosecutor in the Discretionary Fund case, Ma Ying-jeou had no intention of resuming his former role as party chairman. This has led to a situation never before seen under the old KMT: the sitting President is not simultaneously the Chairman of the KMT. This arrangement could be interpreted as Ma Ying-jeou’s desire to be a “President to All the People.” But this has already had immediate repercussions. The first is the president can no longer use the party machinery to mediate between competing departments. The second is that the party machinery tends to become a second arena in the struggle for power. To wit, recent speculation about whether Wang Jin-pyng, Chu Li-lun, or Wu Dun-yi will be the next party chairman.

President Ma has imposed “limits on himself” regarding relations between the Presidential Office and the Executive Yuan. He has also “totally severed” relations between the Presidential Offic and the KMT. The result has been what we have seen over the past month. A cabinet consisting entirely of career civil servants and academics, confronted by a barrage of issues in the legislature, and local authorities fighting tooth and nail over resources, finds itself at a complete loss about what to do next. Conversely, the KMT legislative caucus is using the opportunity to expand its power. Ma nearly lost control over the Diaoyutai Islands ramming incident. He even hoped to personally participate in cross-strait talks. Nominees for the Examination Yuan and the Control Yuan floated rumors and made threats. The result was every time President Ma came forward, the situation descended into chaos.

If the above phenomena, become the norm, one can safely predict that under President Ma the executive branch will become weaker and weaker. The legislative branch, given President Ma’s forbearance, will become more and more presumptuous. The result will the undermining of President Ma’s authority and leadership, and something akin to the Democratic Progressive Party’s total loss of control. If this happens, President Ma’s ratings will plummet a second time. Fortunately it is only one month into his term. He still has a chance to make changes. Having controversial issues come to a head earlier rather than later is not necessarily a bad thing. What matters is how President Ma uses his presidential mandate to define his role. That role has to be more than “retreating to the second line.”

中時電子報
中國時報 　2008.06.26
別讓「退居第二線」之說自縛手腳
中時社論

　馬總統的「退居第二線」說，最近成了部分論者議論的話題。究竟什麼是「退居第二線」？馬總統這一個月的作為，是不是就是現行憲政體制下民選總統應有的角色？如果用更淺顯的方式追問，馬總統日前曾詢問財經首長：「股市為何會一直跌？」，這種關切是不是就叫做「退居第二線」？

　其實誰都知道，股市從「馬上」之後，就一直跌跌不休到現在，投資民眾虧損掉的資產，恐怕用慘不忍睹差堪形容，「股市為何會一直跌？」其實該是所有民眾的疑問，不該是馬總統的疑問，畢竟此刻該是他處理問題的時候，不是嗎？如果就任了一個月，對股市為何持續崩跌這般重大事務還不能清楚掌握，卻對一些根本輪不到他管的事，如鄉間小學要不要廢校，莊國榮該不該保有教職等事「說得太多」，就是所謂「退居第二線」的理想模式？

　沒有錯，此刻馬總統是一切聚光燈的焦點，他言行上任何的「過猶不及」，都會陷入父子騎驢的困境，但不論馬總統喜歡與否，他都必須承認一個現實，民眾或許支持他們的總統謹守憲政職權分際，但恐怕並不期待他們用七百多萬票選出的總統，就任一個月後還對許多政務未進入狀況，卻老愛管些其實不需要他過問的事！

　如果說民進黨過去八年的執政經驗，為台灣的憲政體制提供一種實踐模式，那麼二次政黨輪替後國民黨截至目前的執政形式，也是在實踐另一種憲政運作的模式，這中間馬總統與國民黨怎麼透過自我的實踐來詮釋其角色，顯然居關鍵位置。畢竟稍加對照，就可以發現目前的政治生態，與過去八年有多大的不同。民進黨執政八年一直無法掙脫的現實是：一位相對多數的總統，搭配著朝小野大的國會。陳前總統任內從不在意憲法對總統職權的制約，甚至經常公開輕賤這部憲法，他自己藉由「權力極大化」的操作模式，不僅損耗掉好幾位閣揆，更被外界批為是在操作「超總統制」。更麻煩的是面對在野居多數的國會，陳水扁與民進黨從不願選擇妥協對話，而是不斷藉由民粹動員擴大對抗，結果可想而知，八年的政績不僅乏善可陳，憲政運作模式更是標準的負面教材。

　如今的政治生態與過去八年完全相反，一個過半多數的總統，搭配的是執政黨席次居安全多數的國會，這種結構上的優勢，讓馬總統有更大的空間去實踐其理想中的憲政角色。馬英九當然比陳水扁更在乎這部憲法，他認知這部憲法是所謂雙首長制，所以他特別不想造成對閣揆的掣肘，所以「退居第二線」的說法就這樣出現了。

　更湊巧的是，為了首長特別費被檢察官起訴，馬英九從黨主席位置退下來之後，就無意再回鍋，這就出現了連舊國民黨都未曾見過的情況：總統不兼黨主席。儘管此一安排可以解釋成是馬英九要做「全民總統」，但若干效應已立即顯現：首先就是總統再也無法藉由政黨的平台，直接對各個部門間的競合關係介入協調；其次就是黨機器本身自主地成為權力競逐的平台，最近從王金平、朱立倫到吳敦義相繼被扯上接任黨主席的話題即是明證。

　當馬總統在府院關係上「自我設限」，又在府黨關係上「完全切割」，於是我們在過去一個月就看到了下列的畫面：一個全由技術官僚與學者為主體所組成的內閣團隊，面對國會綿密的議題攻勢，以及地方諸侯搶食資源的拉扯，表現的是完全手足無措；另一方面立院的執政黨團卻在伺機膨脹權力，不僅一度讓釣魚台島撞船事件差點無法收拾，還想上桌參與兩岸談判，對考、監兩院的提名人選更是放言威脅，結果弄到每回馬總統出面的時候，都是局面近乎陷入紛亂的時候。

　如果上述的現象，將在未來變成常態，那麼幾乎可以預期，行政部門在馬總統的自制下將越來越弱不禁風，立法部門也會在馬總統的客氣下更形囂張，最後就是馬總統的領導威信一路折損，形成不同於民進黨執政時期的另一種「治理失能」，真要演成此一狀況，馬總統的民間聲望再往下挫，也就不令人意外了。好在目前只是就職剛滿月，調整的空間還很大，相關爭議提前引爆也不是壞事，重點還是馬總統未來怎麼藉由職權實踐詮釋他的角色，至少不該只是「退居第二線」這句話吧！

First Rank Academics Must Be Part of the Tax Reform Commission

First Rank Academics Must Be Part of the Tax Reform Commission
China Times editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
June 25, 2008

The composition of the Executive Yuan Tax Reform Commission and its modus operandi will soon be announced. The China Times has published numerous editorials analyzing the importance of this committee and offering suggestions for its future direction. Unfortunately the candidate roster announced by the Executive Yuan falls far short of tax reform ideals. We hope the Executive Yuan will rethink its roster over the next few days. It must offer a presentable list of scholars. It must use discretion from very outset.

We had hoped that the Chairman of the third Tax Reform Commission would, in contrast to the first and second Tax Reform Commissions, be a respected scholar. But the Executive Yuan intends to appoint Vice Premier Paul Chiu to the position. Other candidates’ names appeared in media reports. Their academic credentials fall short of expectations. Since May 20, the Ministry of Finance has been earnestly endeavoring to implement the Ma Siew administration’s policy proposals. It is apparently concerned that if an academic is appointed Chairman of the Tax Reform Commission, its policy recommendations may differ significantly from the Ma Siew administration’s Tax Policy White Paper. So they simply had the Vice Premier double as chairman. Not only that, , even the vice chairman will be someone who contributed to the Ma Siew administration’s White Paper. The intention of this “belt and suspenders” approach is apparently to ensure the seamless integration of the commission’s conclusions with the Ma Siew administration’s policy proposals. Such chairman and vice chairman assignments may be painstaking, but they also limit the commission’s latitude. Frankly, after such contortions, people no longer expect much of the Tax Reform Commission.

In terms of qualifications, including seniority and erudition, Chen Ting-an, Chairman of the second Tax Reform Commission is the most suitable candidate for Chairman of the Third Tax Reform Commision. If Vice Premier Chiu doubles as chairman, then Professor Chen is the best candidate for vice chairman. In terms of practical experience and tax management ideas, former Minister of Finance Lin Chuan and Hsu Chia-tung are both outstanding scholars. They are smart, farsighted, and well received by the community. Unfortunately several candidates were omitted from the list leaked by the media. These omissions strike one as the deliberate neglect of genius and the glorification of mediocrity. If the nominees for chairman and vice chairman leaked by the media are accurate, then outstanding scholars of the first rank with a wealth of experience have been deliberately excluded. Instead, the scholars involved in the development of the Ma Siew administration’s three Tax Reform Commissions have been forced to play ball. In which case the outside world’s perception will inevitably be negative.

Compared to the Executive Yuan Mainland Affairs Council, we see how niggardly the Ministry of Finance was in its plans for the Tax Reform Commission. President Ma knows the public on Taiwan has different views on cross-strait policy. The appointment of Taiwan Solidarity Union legislator Lai Hsing-yuan as Chairman of the Mainland Affairs Committee was an effort to seek consensus. Besides criticizing her political coloration, the outside world leveled all sorts of personal criticisms against Lai Hsing-yuan. Yet the Presidential Office and the Executive Yuan maintained a unified front. They adopted a policy of inclusiveness to create a diversified platform for cross-strait dialogue. President Ma was open in promoting cross-strait policy. Why can’t the Executive Yuan and the Ministry of Finance be equally open in promoting tax reform policy? The Ma Siew administration felt no need to force the drafters of their cross-strait White Paper on the Mainland Affairs Council. So why should the Executive Yuan reject other, more suitable candidates? Why must the drafter of the Tax Policy White Paper be in charge of the Tax Reform Commission? Cross-strait policy is a sensitive issue, affecting as it does the public’s feelings about unification vs. independence. Even so, the government was able to increase participation by recruiting TSU personnel. Tax policy involves cold economic analysis. It is nowhere as politically sensitive as cross-strait policy. So why the compulsion to wrap oneself in a cocoon?

We would like to remind the Ma Siew administration that under democratic pluralism, with its free flow of information, whenever one is confronted with different views on policy, it is best to incorporate them into the system. it is best to be completely open, and not attempt to manipulate the dialogue. If tax reform advocates in academia are unable to find channels to express their views, if their views are suppressed, they will use the Internet, newspapers, or blogs to disseminate their views. Therefore, even assuming the commission was intended to be a body in which “What I say, goes.” the public on Taiwan cannot allow the commission to lay down the law. Attempts to neglect ability and glorify mediocrity will not create consensus. They will merely give people the mistaken impression the government wants to ram through its agenda. In which case its losses will exceed its gains.

According to media reports the composition of the commission will be determined by the Ministry of Finance. This apparently reflects Minister of Finance Lee Sush-der’s notion that “The Tax Reform Commission’s purpose is to realize the Ma Siew administration’s policy proposals.” We really have no desire to comment on the Ministry of Finance’s myopia. We are however deeply concerned about the Tax Reform Commission’s direction. We hope Vice Premier Chiu will rethink his position. If Professors Chen Ting-an, Lin Chuan, former Minister Shea Jia-dong and other talented individuals are excluded, then the National Security Fund will probably be forced to prop up the market the very first day the Tax Reform Commission begins operation. Only a first rank scholar can come up with first rate policy prescriptions. Absent first rank scholars, one will only end up with third rate policy prescriptions. Chairman Chiu of the Tax Reform Commission has a long and difficult journey ahead of him. Even if we have to get down on our knees and beg, the Tax Reform Commission must invite at least a few first rank scholars.

中時電子報
中國時報 　2008.06.25
務必積極廣邀一軍學者參與賦改會
中時社論

　行政院賦稅改革委員會的組成與運作，即將於近日公布。本報曾經多次以社論剖析這個委員會的重要性，並建議其未來之規畫方向。但遺憾的是，以目前行政院所公布的成員與組織來看，與稅改理想實有相當距離。我們希望行政院再做構思，也許在這幾天能做些調整，務必要擺出一列像樣的學者陣容，要慎於始。

　我們原本希望，第三次賦改會能比照第一或第二次賦改架構，由大學者出馬擔任主任委員；但是行政院目前的規畫，卻是由邱正雄副院長擔任主委，而即使是媒體報導的其他擔綱成員，論資歷與聲望也與大學者有相當距離，好生令人失望。財政部從五二○開始，就一心一意想要貫徹馬蕭政見。他們似乎擔心，由學者擔任賦改會主任委員，將來的結論也許會與馬蕭的租稅政策白皮書有差距，於是乾脆由副院長兼任主委，以便欽掌局面。不僅如此，連副主任委員，都規畫由馬蕭白皮書的撰稿者充任，幾乎是以「雙重保險」的方式，意圖掌握賦改會研究結論與馬蕭政見之銜接。這樣的主委、副主委安排儘管是煞費苦心，卻也完全侷限了賦改會的思路空間。經此折騰，坦白說民間對該會已經沒有太多期望了。

　就資望而言，二次賦改會主委陳聽安，依其輩分、學養，當然是最適合的第三次賦改會主委。即使邱副院長要自兼主委，那麼陳教授也是最佳副主委人選。就實務經驗與租稅理念而言，前財長林全與許嘉棟都是極為優秀的學者，其聰明、宏觀、視野都廣受社會肯定。但遺憾的是，目前媒體揭露的人選中，這幾位先進都被排除在委員名單外，似乎刻意要毀棄黃鐘，以便讓次佳的瓦釜將來能發震天價響的雷聲。如果媒體披露的主委、副主委等名單無誤，刻意將前列學識經驗豐富優秀的學者排除在外，反而是參與馬蕭財稅政見研擬的學者充斥在三次賦改會中，則表示該會成立伊始就自穿小鞋，那麼外界的觀感，就難免負面了。

　與行政院陸委會相比，我們就更能看出財政部規畫賦改會的小器。馬總統知道台灣民間對兩岸政策的態度有歧異，就刻意安排台聯黨的賴幸媛做陸委會主委，以「擴大民間共識基礎」。除了色彩之外，儘管外界對賴幸媛個人有種種批評，府院都能存同去異，以最大的包容去促成兩岸政策的多元對話平台。如果馬總統能夠這樣開放地思考、推動兩岸政策，為什麼行政院與財政部卻無法比照構思賦稅改革政策？如果馬蕭沒有將其兩岸白皮書的起草人強推為陸委會主委，為什麼行政院就要踢開其他更適合的人選，一定要白皮書的撰稿人去賦改會擔綱？兩岸政策涉及人民的統獨情感，處理起來雖然極為敏感，但即使如此，政府都能擴大參與，找台聯人士加入。租稅政策只是冷冰冰的經濟分析，政治敏感度遠不及兩岸，為什麼卻一定要作繭自縛呢？

　我們要提醒的是：在當前這樣一個民主多元、資訊流通的時代，面對不同的政策見解，最好的辦法就是將他們引入體制內，做全然開放的、不做操縱的討論。如果學界某些稅改主張在賦改會尋不著抒發管道，或是遭到壓抑，他們就會藉網路、報章、部落格四處發揮。因此，即使賦改會設計成一言堂，整個台灣的輿論也不可能容許賦改會自為非是。到頭來，徒然使賦改會的瓦釜意見與民間學者的黃鐘之音相牴觸，不但達不成凝聚共識的效果，反而予人政府欲強渡關山的誤解，那就很得不償失了。

　媒體報導，目前賦改會的組成應該是財政部所安排規畫，而整體而言，也似乎反映出李述德部長「賦改會是為落實馬蕭政見」的中心思想。我們對於財政部的格局視野實在不想再做評論，但是對於賦改會的未來走向，卻感到異常地憂心。希望邱副院長能夠在最後關頭再冷靜思考；像陳聽安教授、林全與許嘉棟前部長等社會菁英若都排除在外，那麼賦改會成立第一天，恐怕國安基金就得進場護盤了。無論如何，唯有一軍學者才能研議出一流的結論；排除一軍的參與就只會得出三流的結論。賦改會邱主委其實任重道遠；就算磕頭，也要把幾位一流學者請進賦改會。

Underestimate the Dangers of Inflation, and Pay the Price

Underestimate the Dangers of Inflation, and Pay the Price
China Times editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
June 24, 2008

International oil prices have skyrocketed from 100 USD a barrel at the beginning of this year to their current high of 140 USD a barrel. Although Saudi Arabia has agreed to increase production, oil prices will continue to rise. The entire world is faced with an inflationary crisis. Taiwan’s Core Consumer Price Index (CPI) for May rose to its highest level in nine years. Its Consumer Confidence Index (CCI) fell to its lowest level in over seven years. Given prevailing public expectations, the Central Bank should take concrete action and demonstrate its determination to fight inflation.

Recently 30 major oil producing and consuming countries gathered in Jedda, Saudi Arabia, to discuss how to defuse the crisis in international oil prices. The largest oil-producing countries Saudi Arabia agreed to increase productivity beginning in July to 20 million barrels, from 9.7 million barrels per day. This is already the highest level of production since 1981, yet international crude oil futures prices continue to rise, with no signs of easing. Since 2000, international oil prices have increased 500 percent. Such a huge increase has led to comparable increases in fuel prices and other consumer product prices. Crop prices have increased several hundred percent. The impact on ordinary salaried workers has been horrific. The poor are having an even tougher time.

According to research from the Directorate General of Budget, Accounting and Statistics (DGBAS), the core CPI of 3. 23 percent in May established a new, nine-year high. In May the price of powdered milk, eggs and other foods increased by as much as 20%. The price impact on those who dine out has been as much as 10%. The May Consumer Confidence Index fell to a five-month low in 2007. With the new government’s return to office, oil, electricity, and transportation costs have also risen. Public confidence in future prices is very low, Expectations of inflation are increasing.

When Ma took office, people genuinely expected to see better days. They did not expect international oil prices to shoot up further before the US subprime mortgage crisis took a turn for the better, the international political and economic situation became even riskier, and life became even harder. Under the impact of the US subprime mortgage crisis, global stock markets performed poorly. No one expected the once optimistic TAIEX to experience a 19 day losing streak. After the Ma administration took office, the global stock market hit bottom. People already suffering from rising prices found their funds frozen and their wallets shrunken. Many wondered whether the Ma Hsiao team had lost its magic touch. People expected the Old Hands of the Ma Hsiao team to take firm control. Increased fuel prices and electricity prices were intended to stimulate domestic demand. No one expected them to create problems, generate resentment, and trigger criticism.

In all fairness, Vice President Vincent Siew, Premier Liu Chao-hsuan, and Deputy Premier Chiu Cheng-hsiung held key positions during the Asian financial crisis 10 years ago, and have extensive practical experience dealing with financial crises. Today, 10 years later, the seriousness of the US subprime mortgage crisis has exceeded public expectations. Recently major Wall Street investment banks have been downsizing due to numerous losses. US stock markets have suffered a series of setbacks. The impact on Asian countries is gradually being felt. Most analysts never expected an Asian financial crisis, because Asian countries’ economic structures are different from a decade ago. Many nations’ economic and financial situation is sounder than 10 years ago, and should be able to cope.

Among the Asian countries only Vietnam is worrisome. A year ago Vietnam joined the World Trade Organization. It was the most attractive of the emerging batch of Southeast Asian tigers. Who knew one year later its status would change dramatically. Its stock market fell by 60%, real estate fell by 50 percent, and the exchange rate for their national currency is expected to depreciate by 30%. International credit rating companies blame the Vietnamese Central Bank’s timid measures in response to inflation, set a poor example. In May this year, Vietnam’s inflation rate touched off alarm bells. Consumer prices suddenly surged 25 percent, frightening away investors. Most analysts believe the Vietnamese Central Bank’s interest rate increase was “too little, too late.” This eventually resulted in runaway inflation. The main reason the Vietnamese Central Bank delayed raising interest rates was that political considerations outweighed all others. They worried that rate hikes would affect economic development. Indecisive wavering led to precisely the results they hoped against.

Vietnam’s painful experience offers an object lesson for other Asian countries. If the authorities lack experience, and political considerations are foremost, a once stunning economic growth rate and investment environment will rapidly come undone. At the slightest rustling in the grass, and foreign investors who rushed to get in, will be the first to get out.

Taiwan’s inflationary pressures are currently less serious than Vietnam’s. Taiwan’s economic structure is more mature than Vietnam’s. But Vietnam’s plight should not be taken lightly. Taiwan’s economy relies primarily on exports. The NT dollar exchange rate increased this year by seven percent. To maintain export competitiveness, the banking sector thinks the central bank is unlikely to go all out by allowing the NT dollar exchange rate to float. Therefore raising interest rates has become a major tool to curb inflation. Over the past four years, the Central Bank has raised interest rates a total of 15 times. It has raised interest rates a total of 2.125 percent. But banks actually raised interest rates by only one percentage point. In fact, the impact was very limited.

Taiwan relies on imported gasoline. It is currently experiencing its most serious inflation in a decade. Taiwan’s interest rates are low by Asian standards. If the Central Bank fails to show greater determination in its fight against inflation, if it worries about its every move, the consequences will be catastrophic.

中時電子報
中國時報 　2008.06.24
低估通膨危機勢將後患無窮
中時社論

　國際油價自今年初一百美元狂飆逼近一四○美元歷史新高，儘管沙烏地阿拉伯同意增產，卻無法抑制油價繼續上漲，全球籠罩通膨危機。五月份台灣的核心物價年增率達到九年來最高，消費者信心指數跌至七年多以來新低，民間普遍存在物價上漲的預期心理下，央行確實應以實際行動展現對抗通膨的決心。

　最近卅個主要石油生產與消費國齊聚沙國的吉達，商討如何化解國際油價狂飆危機，雖然最大石油生產國沙烏地阿拉伯同意自七月起增加產能廿萬桶至每日九百七十萬桶，這已是一九八一年以來最高的產能，但國際原油期貨價格仍持續上漲，沒有舒緩的跡象。自二千年以來，國際原油價格上漲了五倍，如此巨大的增幅，已帶動其他燃油與民生物品、農作物價格高漲數倍，對於一般薪水階級衝擊非常大，窮人的日子更苦了。

　根據主計處調查，五月核心物價年增率達三．二三％，創九年新高，五月份的奶粉、雞蛋等食品價格漲幅高達二成，外食族受到的影響也高達一成。此外，五月份消費者信心指數跌到七年五個月新低，加上新政府上台後，油、電、交通等價格紛紛調漲，民眾對未來的物價信心非常低，對通膨的預期心理越來越濃厚。

　馬政府上台後，民眾殷切期盼會有好日子，未料，美國次級房貸風暴未能好轉，國際油價甚至進一步飆漲，國際政經局勢更加險峻，日子似乎變得更苦了。受到美國次級房貸風暴影響，全球股市表現均不佳，未料先前一路看好的台股連跌十九天，自馬政府上台以來的表現在全球股市敬陪末座。原本已飽受物價上漲之苦的民眾，如今資金慘遭套牢，且荷包大幅縮水，許多人不禁質疑，馬蕭團隊難道今不如昔？原本預期馬蕭團隊「老將」上場後，一切駕輕就熟，未料，從油、電公共費率的調整到擴大內需方案的推動，破綻百出，更引發外界不滿與批評聲浪。

　平心而論，從副總統蕭萬長、行政院長劉兆玄、副院長邱正雄等人在十年前的亞洲金融風暴期間均擔任要職，對於處理金融危機有豐富的實務經驗。十年後的今天，雖然美國次貸風暴的威力超乎各界預期，最近華爾街的大型投資銀行由於虧損累累，紛紛掀起裁員風，美股連連重挫，對亞洲各國的影響逐漸顯現，但一般認為亞洲還不至於發生金融危機，原因是亞洲各國的經濟結構已不同於十年前，許多國家的經濟與金融情勢均比十年前穩健，應有足夠能力因應。

　亞洲各國中唯一令人憂慮的是越南，一年前越南加入世界貿易組織，曾是東南亞最亮眼的新興小虎，不料，一年後，情勢急轉而下，股市跌了六成，房地產跌了五成，匯率預期還要貶值三成，國際信評公司歸咎於越南央行因應通膨的措施瞻前顧後，做了錯誤示範。今年五月越南的通膨亮起紅燈，消費者物價年增率突然竄升至廿五％，嚇壞了投資人，一般認為越南央行升息的動作太慢且力道太小，最後導致通膨問題一發不可收拾。進一步探究越南央行遲遲不敢升息的主因，不外乎是政治考量重於一切，擔憂升息會影響經濟發展，猶豫不決的結果適得其反。

　越南的慘痛經驗提供亞洲各國最佳的借鏡，如果執政當局缺乏經驗，一切以政治考量為依歸，原本閃亮的經濟成長與投資環境很快就會大逆轉，外資當年一窩蜂搶進，然而一有風吹草動，外資跑得也最快。

　目前台灣的通膨壓力雖然不如越南那麼嚴重，台灣的經濟結構也比越南成熟許多，但亦不能掉以輕心。台灣的經濟主要依賴出口這個單引擎，新台幣匯率今年以來升值幅度約七％，在維持出口競爭力心態下，銀行界預期央行不太可能放手讓新台幣匯率大升，因此以升息抑制通膨成為主要的工具。過去四年來，央行共升息十五次，幅度約二．一二五個百分點，但銀行利率實際拉升的幅度只有一個百分點，成效其實非常有限。

　台灣的汽油完全依賴進口，目前所面臨的通膨問題是十年來最嚴峻的情勢，加上台灣的利率在亞洲各國中是超低水準，如果央行在對抗通膨方面未能展現較大的決心，或是瞻前顧後，將引發無窮後患。